10. For city as storehouse, see Chapter 5 note 36.
11. WS 4A.72–73; 95.2058–59.
12. WS 110.2857; see also Müller, “Horses of the Xianbei,” 184. On the horse ranches of Tang two centuries later, see Skaff, Sui-Tang China and Its Turko-Mongol Neighbors, 259–62.
13. ZZTJ 121.3798–3801
14. ZZTJ 121.3807ff. It will be noted that discussion of the Rouran campaign elicited a fierce debate of the kind seen 14 years later, as described in Chapter 1.
15. Uchida, Kita Ajia shi kenkyū, 2: 34, estimates the luo 落 as generally made up of 2–3 tents, and containing 10–20 individuals. If the number given for the number of High Carts taken in 429 is correct, this would have been at least 5 million individuals settled in the band of grassland north of the Yinshan.
16. WS 4A.75, 103.2293; ZZTJ 121.3811–12.
17. WS 103.2289, and see also the modern editors’ comments on p. 2314 note 3. On Rouran use of scribes to record in Chinese, see SoS 95.2357.
18. WS 95.2059.
19. ZZTJ 121.3826. For Kumārajīva, see Valerie Hansen, The Silk Road: A New History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), Chapter 2; and his biography in the Gao seng zhuan, T. 2059, 50: 330a-333a. Translation of these texts into Chinese may, of course, have reinforced the dominance of this writing system in East Asia.
20. See JS 125.3127, where it is asserted that the family went back to Eastern Zhou’s Spring and Autumn period (771–476 bce). The former monarch, Feng Hong’s elder brother, had however had a “cognomen,” Qizhifa 乞直伐, that was clearly transcription from another language, presumably Inner Asian. See description of the tomb of another brother, Feng Sufu, with strong Inner Asian elements: Dien, Six Dynasties Civilization, 104–5. Questions of origin are raised by Holmgren, “Social Mobility in the Northern Dynasties,” 19–32; Stanley Abe, Ordinary Images (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 181–82; and Kubozoe, Boshi o mochiita Hokugi-shi kenkyū, 524–25.
21. WS 4A.81.
22. ZZTJ 123.3861–62. Feng Hong, it should be noted, was subsequently killed by the Kogury· king. For more on Wei relations with Kogury·, see Li Ping 李凭, Bei chao yan jiu cun gao 北朝研究存稿 (Beijing: Shang wu yin shu guan, 2006), 63–135, and for the flight of Feng Hong, 78–83. For a more general overview on Kogury·, see also The History and Archaeology of the Kogury· Kingdom, ed. Mark E. Byington (Cambridge, MA: Early Korea Project, Korea Institute, Harvard University, 2016); and Christopher I. Beckwith, Koguryo: The Language of Japan’s Continental Relatives (Leiden: Brill, 2004).
23. Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 3: 137–46.
24. Although, as pointed out by Armin Selbitschka, “Tribute, Hostages and Marriage Alliances: A Close Reading of Diplomatic Strategies in the Northern Wei Period,” EMC 25 (2019): 74–75, ties were also maintained with Jiankang.
25. ZZTJ 122.3848; WS 99.2206, 36.832.
26. Yu Taishan 余太山, A History of the Relationships between the Western and Eastern Han, Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties and the Western Regions (Philadelphia: Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Pennsylvania, 2004), 263–69; the book is a partial English translation of Yu’s Liang Han Wei Jin Nan bei chao yu Xi yu guan xi shi yan jiu 两汉魏晋南北朝与西域关系史硏究 (Beijing: Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 1995). See also the table of Central Asian envoys to Wei (alongside those of Song) in Itagaki Akira 板垣明, “Hokugi no Sei-iki tōbatsu o megutte” 北魏の西域讨伐をめぐって, Chuō daigaku Ajia shi kenkyū 20 (1996): 104.
27. Nicholas Sims-Williams, “The Sogdian Merchants in China and India,” in Cina e Iran da Alessandro Magno alla dinastia Tang, ed. Alfredo Cadonna and Lionello Lanciotti (Florence: Casa Editrice Leo S. Olschki, 1996), 57.
28. ZZTJ 123.3870–71.
29. ZZTJ 123.3871–72; WS 36.832; 28.690; 35.822–23.
30. HS 26B.1644–45. For a general overview of the physical conditions of the Gansu Corridor during this period, which though increasingly arid in the fourth and fifth centuries still had more vegetation than it does today, see Maeda Masana 谴田正名, Kasei no rekishi-chirigakuteki kenkyū 河西の历史地理学的硏究 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1964), 1–13.
31. For Cui Hao’s comment, see WS 35.823; for Yi Ba’s, WS 44.989–90.
32. WS 99.2207.
33. ZZTJ 123.3873–74;WS 99.2207.
34. WS 114.3032; Leon Hurvitz, tr., Wei Shou: Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism; An English Translation of the Original Chinese Text of Wei-shu CXIV and the Japanese Annotation of Tsukamoto Zenryū (Kyoto: Jimbunkagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, 1956), 61; Liu Shufen 刘淑芬, Zhong gu de Fo jiao yu she hui 中古的佛惶与社会 (Shanghai: Shanghai gu ji chu ban she, 2008), 30–32.
35. WS 44.990.
36. See Yu, The Western Regions, Chapter 7.
37. Rong, “The Rouran Qaghanate and the Western Regions,” 77. A decade later, a request from Khotan for Wei help against Rouran raids was met with a diffident “we’ll look into the possibilities,” from which little real effort came: ZZTJ 132.4155. For a general discussion of the at times underestimated power of the Rouran, see also S·ren Stark, “A ‘Rouran Perspective’ on the Northern Chinese Frontier during the Northern Wei Period,” forthcoming in Mounted Warriors in Europe and Central Asia, ed. F. Daim, H. Meller, and W. Pohl.
38. Liu Xinru, “The Silk Road: Overland Trade and Cultural Interactions in Eurasia,” in Agricultural and Pastoral Societies in Ancient and Classical History, ed. Michael Adas (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001), 161–62; and for a Wei mission that in 520 made it all the way to Gandhāra (parts of mod. Afghanistan and Pakistan), see Jenner, Memories of Loyang, 265–66.
39. WS 65.1438; tr. Yu, Western Regions, 306, with modifications. See also discussion of “tribute” and Wei diplomacy in Selbitschka, “Tribute, Hostages and Marriage Alliances.”
40. Chen, Multicultural China, 90–92, quoting Tang Zhangru 唐肠孺, “Wei Jin za hu kao” 魏晋杂胡考, in his Wei Jin Nan bei chao shi lun cong, 382–450.
41. JS 116.2964; ZZTJ 100.3161, 106.3363, 106.3369, 117.3677; WS 2.32. Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 4: 132–68, gives detailed information on Gai Wu and his rebellious predecessors.
42. Liu, Zhong gu de Fo jiao yu she hui, 10; Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 4: 147. For the immediately preceding events, see WS 4B.98–101; ZZTJ 124.3914–16.
43. WS 30.727–28; SoS 95.2339–40 gives copies of letters to the Song court.
44. WS 40.902–3; ZZTJ 124.3926–29.
45. ZZTJ 124.3922.
46. ZZTJ 125.3937. For the location of the grounds on which the hunt was conducted, see Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 3: 210.
47. SoS 95.2346; ZZTJ 125.3938–40.
48. See discussion of the early development of mass manufacture in Lothar Ledderose’s Ten Thousand Things. For the economic development of the south during this period, see Liu Shufen 刘淑芬, “Jiankang yu Liu chao li shi de fa zhan” 建康与六朝历史的发展, in her Liu chao de cheng shi yu she hui (Taibei: Taiwan xue sheng shu ju, 1992), 3–34; and Shufen Liu, “Jiankang and the Commercial Empire of the Southern Dynasties: Change and Continuity in Medieval Chinese Economic History,” in Culture and Power in the Reconstitution of the Chinese Realm, 200–600, ed. Scott Pearce, Audrey Spiro, and Patricia Ebrey (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 35–52.
49. SoS 5.98, 95.2349; ZZTJ 125.3938.
50. ZZTJ 125.3948.
51. WS 4B.104.
52. SoS 95.2350.
53. SoS 95.2350; WS 4B.104.
54. WS 4B.104–5, 105C.2406; ZZTJ 125.3960.
55. Described at length in Zhang, Bei Wei zheng zhi shi, 3: 268–95.
56. WS 4B.105, 95.2139, which go on to state that it was Taiwu who considered that marriage between the two dynasties would be “incorrect” 不礼. SoS 95.2352, 71.1849, state instead that it was Taiwu who asked for marriage (and also claims that earlier requests had been made as well, before the invasion: SoS 95.2334). ZZTJ 125.3961 takes the side of the latter. For further discussion of different perspectives on some of these events seen in different histories from this age, see Albert Dien, “The Disputation at Pengcheng: Accounts from the Wei shu and the Song shu,” in Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook, ed. Wendy Swartz et al. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014), 32–59.
57. WS 4B.105, 95.2140, 105C.2406.
58. WS 95.2140; SoS 74.1912.
59. In SoS 74.1913, we are told of one who challenged Taiwu by asking how he measured up to Fu Jian, to whom the enraged Taghbach khaghan responded by making a nail bed and saying when the city fell the defender would be lying on it.
